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MUSICIANS AMONG VENETIANS: KINSHIP NETWORKS (1600-1650)
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Musicians among Venetians: Kinship Networks
(1600-1650)
Massimo Ossi
Indiana University
What does this project investigate?
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
Why musicians?
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
Why musicians?
For their living, musicians depended on connections
to one another (so they could get hired for gigs)
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
Why musicians?
For their living, musicians depended on connections
to one another (so their friends would hire them for gigs)
to institutions like the ducal church of San Marco, which hired musicians for services
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
Why musicians?
For their living, musicians depended on connections
to one another (so their friends would hire them for gigs)
to institutions like the ducal church of San Marco, which hired musicians for services
to wealthy patrons who might hire them to make music in their living rooms
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
Why Venice?
Because it was …
an island,
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
Why Venice?
Because it was
an island,
very stable politically and socially,
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
Why Venice?
Because it was
an island,
very stable politically and socially,
very wealthy, and
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
Why Venice?
Because it was
an island,
very stable politically and socially,
very wealthy, and
famous for its music-making.
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
Why Venice?
Because it was
an island,
very stable politically and socially,
very wealthy, and
famous for its music-making.
In short, it had a lot of musicians!
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
Why the first half of the 17th century?
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
Why the first half of the 17th century?
Because starting around 1570, following the Council of Trent, the Catholic Church maintained detailed records for:
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
Why the first half of the 17th century?
Because starting around 1570, following the Council of Trent, the Catholic Church maintained detailed records for
baptisms,
marriages, and
deaths
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
Why the first half of the 17th century?
Because starting around 1570, following the Council of Trent, the Catholic Church maintained detailed records for
baptisms,
marriages, and
deaths
This makes it easy to gather information about nearly everybody who lived in Venice, where there were over 70 parishes, each with its own records.
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
Why the first half of the 17th century?
Because between 1600 and 1650 Venice was the Europe-wide
leader in musical innovation and quality:
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
Why the first half of the 17th century?
Because between 1600 and 1650 Venice was the Europe-wide
leader in musical innovation and quality:
1) San Marco had spectacular church music for voices and instruments
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
Why the first half of the 17th century?
Because between 1600 and 1650 Venice was the Europe-wide
leader in musical innovation and quality:
1) San Marco had spectacular church music for voices and instruments
2) Opera was presented to a paying audience in public theaters for the first time ever
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
Why the first half of the 17th century?
Because between 1600 and 1650 Venice was the Europe-wide leader in musical innovation and quality:
1) San Marco had spectacular church music for voices and instruments
2) Opera was presented to a paying audience in public theaters for the first time ever
3) Institutions like the Scuole (orphanages) produced the best singers and instrumentalists, famous at home and abroad, and became the models for the first Conservatories
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
Why the first half of the 17th century?
Finally, because between 1600 and 1650 Venice experienced a tremendous growth in musical activity.
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
Why the first half of the 17th century?
Finally, because between 1600 and 1650 Venice experienced a tremendous growth in musical activity.
This makes studying the lives of its musicians
a) historically relevant, and
What does this project investigate?
The networks of social relationships between musicians and their fellow Venetians in the first half of the 17th century
Why the first half of the 17th century?
Finally, because between 1600 and 1650 Venice experienced a tremendous growth in musical activity.
This makes studying the lives of its musicians
a) historically relevant, and
b) provides a good model for studying other cities
Kinship Networks
What are kinship networks and what can they tell us about music making?
Kinship networks
are the ties that connect someone to:
1) Direct relatives, like parents (consanguineal or blood kinship)
What are kinship networks and what can they tell us about music making?
Kinship networks
are the ties that connect someone to:
1) Direct relatives, like parents (consanguineal or blood kinship)
2) Acquired relatives, like spouses and their kin (affinal kinship)
What are kinship networks and what can they tell us about music making?
Kinship networks
are the ties that connect someone to:
1) Direct relatives, like parents (consanguineal or blood kinship)
2) Acquired relatives, like spouses and their kin (affinal kinship)
3) Others brought into the extended family clan, like godparents (fictive or spiritual kinship)
What are kinship networks and what can they tell us about music making?
Kinship networks
are the ties that connect someone to:
1) Direct relatives, like parents (consanguineal or blood kinship)
2) Acquired relatives, like spouses and their kin (affinal kinship)
3) Others brought into the extended family clan, like godparents (fictive or spiritual kinship)
All three are included in marriage and birth records
What are kinship networks and what can they tell us about music making?
Kinship networks describe, and allow us to analyze, relationships between people, and as such they tell us nothing directly about music making.
What are kinship networks and what can they tell us about music making?
Kinship networks describe, and allow us to analyze, relationships between people, and as such they tell us nothing directly about music making.
But precisely because they focus on such relationships they are useful in revealing how individuals—in this case, musicians—
fit into Venice’s complex social fabric, and
What are kinship networks and what can they tell us about music making?
Kinship networks describe, and allow us to analyze, relationships between people, and as such they tell us nothing directly about music making.
But precisely because they focus on such relationships they are useful in revealing how individuals—in this case, musicians—
fit into Venice’s complex social fabric, and
how they managed their mobility within Venice’s stratified caste system by relying on personal relationships to establish and solidify their professional and social status.
Venetian Society
Social Stratification in Venice
3 classes:
Artigiani
Largest group; largely skilled or unskilled manual labor; many immigrants; no political rights, but could be elected to guild leadership positions.
Social Stratification in Venice
3 classes:
Artigiani
Largest group; largely skilled or unskilled manual labor; many immigrants; no political rights, but could be elected to guild leadership positions.
Cittadini
Historic residents of the city; immigrants could obtain cittadino status after 5 years of tax-paying residence. No manual labor; most had jobs within the civic / state bureaucracy. “Political” activity limited to elected positions within confraternities.
Social Stratification in Venice
3 classes:
Artigiani
Largest group; largely skilled or unskilled manual labor; many immigrants; no political rights, but could be elected to guild leadership positions.
Cittadini
Historic residents of the city; immigrants could obtain cittadino status after 5 years of tax-paying residence. No manual labor; most had jobs within the civic / state bureaucracy. “Political” activity limited to elected positions within confraternities.
Nobili
Oldest families, status conferred by early and long service to the government. Closed numbers; access to all elected offices. Doges, Council of Ten, Procurators, Senators, etc. Mostly depended on commercial activities (shipping; banking).
Economic Stratification in Venice
Not necessarily keyed to social class
Economic Stratification in Venice
Not necessarily keyed to social class
Wealthy craftsmen and professionals could match or surpass patricians
Economic Stratification in Venice
Not necessarily keyed to social class
Wealthy craftsmen and professionals could match or surpass patricians
Impoverished patricians probably made up the majority of the nobili
Economic Stratification in Venice
Not necessarily keyed to social class
Wealthy craftsmen and professionals could match or surpass patricians
Impoverished patricians probably made up the majority of the nobili
Unskilled and low-value artisanal laborers made up the majority of the city’s population
Economic Stratification in Venice
Not necessarily keyed to social class
Wealthy craftsmen and professionals could match or surpass patricians
Impoverished patricians probably made up the majority of the nobili
Unskilled and low-value artisanal laborers made up the majority of the city’s population
Relative status needs to be deduced from the forms of address used in the documents for specific individuals
These societal and economic factors complicate the power dynamics of individuals’ kinship and social networks
Documentary Sources
Documentary Sources
70+ Parishes
Venetian Parishes
Documentary Sources
70+ Parishes
Archivio Storico del Patriarcato di Venezia (ASPV)
Documentary Sources
The Archivio Storico del Patriarcato di Venezia holds nearly all records for the 70+ Venetian parishes
Documentary Sources
The Archivio Storico del Patriarcato di Venezia holds nearly all records for the 70+ Venetian parishes
The records are in generally standardized formats for each ritual, according to the instructions of post-Tridentine reform
Documentary Sources
The Archivio Storico del Patriarcato di Venezia holds nearly all records for the 70+ Venetian parishes
The records are in generally standardized formats for each ritual, according to the instructions of post-Tridentine reform
I am working specifically with those that pertain to two rituals:
Documentary Sources
The Archivio Storico del Patriarcato di Venezia holds nearly all records for the 70+ Venetian parishes
The records are in generally standardized formats for each ritual, according to the instructions of post-Tridentine reform
I am working specifically with those that pertain to two rituals:
Baptisms
Documentary Sources
The Archivio Storico del Patriarcato di Venezia holds nearly all records for the 70+ Venetian parishes
The records are in generally standardized formats for each ritual, according to the instructions of post-Tridentine reform
I am working specifically with those that pertain to two rituals:
Baptisms
Marriages
Network Theory
Sociographic Representation of Kinship Group
In the following slides, you will see the progressive diagramming of a kinship group formed through two rituals: marriage and baptism.
As you can see from the first slide, the relationships between the members of the group (or clan) are multiple and quite complex; I will break them down and rebuild them step by step.
Sociographic Representation of Kinship Group, I: the protagonists
Three people are at the center of the group:
• The bride and groom (marriage ritual)
Sociographic Representation of Kinship Group, I: the protagonists
Three people are at the center of the group:
• The bride and groom (marriage ritual, affinal relations)
• The child they produce, becoming mother and father (baptismal ritual, consanguineal relation)
Sociographic Representation of Kinship Group, II: the blood relations
Closest to the protagonists are their blood (consanguineal) relations, represented by their parents / grandparents.
(In this diagram I follow the practice in Church documents and for the bride and the groom I only include fathers.)
Note that these are represented, not surprisingly, in red.
Sociographic Representation of Kinship Group, III: the spiritual kin
Just outside the nucleus of the group joined by blood kinship, there are those chosen by the principals (and sometimes by their parents). These are a child’s godparent(s) and the witnesses at a wedding, and appear in the diagram in purple.
Sociographic Representation of Kinship Group, Social Contacts
We can assume that, in at least one occasion, blood kin and the relevant spiritual kin are all together in one place—making it highly likely that they are acquainted with one another.
The following graph highlights the various types of relationships, represented by the lines that connect the various actors. Kinship relations are represented by solid lines, red for consanguinity, and purple for affinity or spiritual kinship.
Sociographic Representation of Kinship Group, Social Contacts
We can assume that, in at least one occasion, blood kin and the relevant spiritual kin are all together in one place—making it highly likely that they are acquainted with one another.
The following graph highlights the various types of relationships, represented by the lines that connect the various actors. Kinship relations are represented by solid lines, red for consanguinity, and purple for affinity or spiritual kinship.
A dotted green line implies a possible, and rather likely, acquaintance.
Sociographic Representation of Kinship Group, Social Contacts
One more detail of the following graph needs to be understood, and that is that the edges that connect the actors are undirected.
Sociographic Representation of Kinship Group, Social Contacts
One more detail of the following graph needs to be understood, and that is that the edges that connect the actors are undirected.
Undirected edges are neutral—that is to say, they do not show the power relationships between the actors. I will return to this concept shortly.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
Starting with the next graph, I will rebuild the diagram we have just seen to show the power relationships between actors.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
Starting with the next graph, I will rebuild the diagram we have just seen to show the power relationships between actors.
These are represented as vectors, that is, as arrows pointing from the more to the less powerful.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
Starting with the next graph, I will rebuild the diagram we have just seen to show the power relationships between actors.
These are represented as vectors, that is, as arrows pointing from the more to the less powerful.
For instance, parents have power over their children—in the early modern period, this power lasted well into adulthood.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
Starting with the next graph, I will rebuild the diagram we have just seen to show the power relationships between actors.
These are represented as vectors, that is, as arrows pointing from the more to the less powerful.
For instance, parents have power over their children—in the early modern period, this power lasted well into adulthood. Thus in the following graph grandparents can exercise power over their own children (the mother and father of the child) as well as over their grandchild.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
Starting with the next graph, I will rebuild the diagram we have just seen to show the power relationships between actors.
These are represented as vectors, that is, as arrows pointing from the more to the less powerful.
For instance, parents have power over their children—in the early modern period, this power lasted well into adulthood. Thus in the following graph grandparents can exercise power over their own children (the mother and father of the child) as well as over their grandchild.
Venice, as early modern society in general, had a patriarchal family structure.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
If consanguineal and affinal power relations are generally fairly easy to map, those involving the invited members of the clan—the spiritual relations—are much more difficult to gauge.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
If consanguineal and affinal power relations are generally fairly easy to map, those involving the invited members of the clan—the spiritual relations—are much more difficult to gauge.
The stratified social order I illustrated earlier was based on legally established definitions for each of the classes that rendered virtually impossible any mobility between them.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
If consanguineal and affinal power relations are generally fairly easy to map, those involving the invited members of the clan—the spiritual relations—are much more difficult to gauge.
The stratified social order I illustrated earlier was based on legally established definitions for each of the classes that rendered virtually impossible any mobility between them.
But the rigidity of the system did not prevent a great deal of contact between classes: in fact, it made such contact possible and unequivocal.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
If consanguineal and affinal power relations are generally fairly easy to map, those involving the invited members of the clan—the spiritual relations—are much more difficult to gauge.
The stratified social order I illustrated earlier was based on legally established definitions for each of the classes that rendered virtually impossible any mobility between them.
But the rigidity of the system did not prevent a great deal of contact between classes: in fact, it made such contact possible and unequivocal.
Patricians could offer a measure of security, even reflected status, to members of the lower classes by participating in rituals that established spiritual or fictive relationships. And so could members of the citizen class to those of the artisanal and even indigent class.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
Unusual Relations between Classes
It is not unusual to find, in either baptismal or wedding records, spiritual relationships between disparate classes—a noble godfather for the son of a wig-maker or a boatman (often a member of the noble household) or even a fishmonger. Or a boatman standing as witness to a nobleman’s wedding.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
Unusual Relations between Classes
It is not unusual to find, in either baptismal or wedding records, spiritual relationships between disparate classes—a noble godfather for the son of a wig-maker or a boatman (often a member of the noble household) or even a fishmonger. Or a boatman standing as witness to a nobleman’s wedding.
Venetians interacted across a very wide social spectrum in a manner that has been described, however inaccurately, as “democratic.” This is to some extent due to the insularity of the city—island populations often behave differently than do their mainland counterparts.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
Unusual Relations between Classes
It is not unusual to find, in either baptismal or wedding records, spiritual relationships between disparate classes—a noble godfather for the son of a wig-maker or a boatman (often a member of the noble household) or even a fishmonger.
Venetians interacted across a very wide social spectrum in a manner that has been described, however inaccurately, as “democratic.” This is to some extent due to the insularity of the city—island populations often behave differently than do their mainland counterparts.
Space was also a factor: noble palaces sat next door to more humble buildings and artisans’ workshops, boat landings, and markets. It was impossible to move about the city without rubbing elbows with one’s neighbors.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
Unusual Relations between Classes
It is not unusual to find, in either baptismal or wedding records, spiritual relationships between disparate classes—a noble godfather for the son of a wig-maker or a boatman (often a member of the noble household) or even a fishmonger.
Venetians interacted across a very wide social spectrum in a manner that has been described, however inaccurately, as “democratic.” This is to some extent due to the insularity of the city—island populations often behave differently than do their mainland counterparts.
Space was also a factor: noble palaces sat next door to more humble buildings and artisans’ workshops, boat landings, and markets. It was impossible to move about the city without rubbing elbows with one’s neighbors.
And nothing prevented an industrious artisan from becoming wealthy enough to be taken seriously by members of the nobility who might be in fact poorer.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
Musicians may not have been wealthy, but their skills were rare and could make them valuable “assets” for a wealthier merchant or nobleman or lawyer with intellectual ambitions—men who might want to be seen as having close relationships with artists and intellectuals.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
The next two graphs bring into the mix the three actors whose entrance into the clan is through the spiritual relations they have contracted with the nucleus of blood kin.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
The next two graphs bring into the mix the three actors whose entrance into the clan is through the spiritual relations they have contracted with the nucleus of blood kin.
The edges that connect them to the other members are bi-directional—in this hypothetical clan it is unclear who belongs to a higher or lower class, and therefore which way the power flows.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
The next two graphs bring into the mix the three actors whose entrance into the clan is through the spiritual relations they have contracted with the nucleus of blood kin.
The edges that connect them to the other members are bi-directional—in this hypothetical clan it is unclear who belongs to a higher or lower class, and therefore which way the power flows.
But certain assumptions seem reasonable:
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
The next two graphs bring into the mix the three actors whose entrance into the clan is through the spiritual relations they have contracted with the nucleus of blood kin.
The edges that connect them to the other members are bi-directional—in this hypothetical clan it is unclear who belongs to a higher or lower class, and therefore which way the power flows.
But certain assumptions seem reasonable:
1) the outsiders are likely to have been invited into the clan by one or more of its members;
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
The next two graphs bring into the mix the three actors whose entrance into the clan is through the spiritual relations they have contracted with the nucleus of blood kin.
The edges that connect them to the other members are bi-directional—in this hypothetical clan it is unclear who belongs to a higher or lower class, and therefore which way the power flows.
But certain assumptions seem reasonable:
1) the outsiders are likely to have been invited into the clan by one or more of its members; in other words, it is unlikely that they invited themselves;
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
The next two graphs bring into the mix the three actors whose entrance into the clan is through the spiritual relations they have contracted with the nucleus of blood kin.
The edges that connect them to the other members are bi-directional—in this hypothetical clan it is unclear who belongs to a higher or lower class, and therefore which way the power flows.
But certain assumptions seem reasonable:
1) the outsiders are likely to have been invited into the clan by one or more of its members; in other words, it is unlikely that they invited themselves.
2) the social levels may be equal (all belong to the same class);
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
The next two graphs bring into the mix the three actors whose entrance into the clan is through the spiritual relations they have contracted with the nucleus of blood kin.
The edges that connect them to the other members are bi-directional—in this hypothetical clan it is unclear who belongs to a higher or lower class, and therefore which way the power flows.
But certain assumptions seem reasonable:
1) the outsiders are likely to have been invited into the clan by one or more of its members; in other words, it is unlikely that they invited themselves;
2) the social levels may be equal (all belong to the same class);
3) if the levels are unequal, it is most likely that a patron-client relationship has been established.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
Patron—Client (P-C) Relationships
In a P-C relationship power flows in one direction only (P to C).
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
Patron—Client (P-C) Relationships
In a P-C relationship power flows in one direction only (P to C).
It may be assumed that it is the C who initiates the invitation to enter into a spiritual relationship (this may be the prerogative of the parents in all baptisms, for example, but especially when a P-C relation is involved; it may happen that the P imposes himself, but that would be unusual).
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
Patron—Client (P-C) Relationships
In a P-C relationship power flows in one direction only (P to C).
It may be assumed that it is the C who initiates the invitation to enter into a spiritual relationship (this may be the prerogative of the parents in all baptisms, for example, but especially when a P-C relation is involved; it may happen that the P imposes himself, but that would be unusual).
In the case of a marriage, the request might originate from either bride or groom, or possibly from either set of parents, depending on the family’s social standing and need.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
In the next graph I have added with dotted edges the social-familial relationships between the new spiritual relatives and the two in-laws, as well as between the in-laws themselves …
… who may or may not have known each other before their offspring got together—not all early modern marriages were arranged, and especially not those between the two lower classes—and who may or may not share the same class or social standing, thereby complicating the familial dynamics.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
We can now assemble a reasonably complete diagram showing most relationships within this clan. The only missing piece, which I have left out for reasons of visual complexity, is the possibility that the godfather is also acquainted on some level with the two witnesses, thereby joining the three of them in a set of possibly unequal, or vertical, social relations.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
The final iteration of this diagram adds one more level of complexity, positing different social levels among the members of the clan.
It also integrates the concept of relative importance: not all the cittadini in my example are of equal social status. The lighter green represents a lower level of social capital that the actor can contribute to the clan.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
Classes and Social Levels in one Clan
• The child’s godfather and the second witness at the wedding are both patricians;
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
Classes and Social Levels in one Clan
• The child’s godfather and the second witness at the wedding are both patricians;
• In keeping with the norms of Venetian patriarchal society, the wife and the child share the lowest ranks of the power structure (indicated by the lighter green color).
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
Classes and Social Levels in one Clan
• The child’s godfather and the second witness at the wedding are both patricians;
• In keeping with the norms of Venetian patriarchal society, the wife and the child share the lowest ranks of the power structure (indicated by the lighter green color).
• Both bride and groom come from cittadino families)—one of them is headed by a notary, the other by a doctor, both professionals.
Generalized Power Relations within Clan
(Directed Edges)
Classes and Social Levels in one Clan
• The child’s godfather and the second witness at the wedding are both patricians;
• In keeping with the norms of Venetian patriarchal society, the wife and the child share the lowest ranks of the power structure (indicated by the lighter green color.
• Both bride and groom come from cittadino families)—one of them is headed by a notary, the other by a doctor, both professionals.
• The second witness at the wedding is a musician, a member of the artisan class but in a social category that is possibly more prestigious than a carpenter or a weaver (both very common activities in Venice).
An Actual Example
Piero (or Pietro) Berti was a relatively minor figure in Venetian musical circles. His position as second organist in San Marco put him at the top of his field—San Marco, the most important church in Venice, employed two organists for its services, and the most famous organ virtuosos of the late 16th and 17th centuries occupied those positions.
An Actual Example
Piero (or Pietro) Berti was a relatively minor figure in Venetian musical circles. His position as second organist in San Marco put him at the top of his field—San Marco, the most important church in Venice, employed two organists for its services, and the most famous organ virtuosos of the late 16th and 17th centuries occupied those positions.
Musicians at San Marco were hired through a rigorous selection process:
--
An Actual Example
Piero (or Pietro) Berti was a relatively minor figure in Venetian musical circles. His position as second organist in San Marco put him at the top of his field—San Marco, the most important church in Venice, employed two organists for its services, and the most famous organ virtuosos of the late 16th and 17th centuries occupied those positions.
Musicians at San Marco were hired through a rigorous selection process:
--Candidates were invited to audition, based on reputation and on letters of recommendation
An Actual Example
Piero (or Pietro) Berti was a relatively minor figure in Venetian musical circles. His position as second organist in San Marco put him at the top of his field—San Marco, the most important church in Venice, employed two organists for its services, and the most famous organ virtuosos of the late 16th and 17th centuries occupied those positions.
Musicians at San Marco were hired through a rigorous selection process:
--Candidates were invited to audition, based on reputation and on letters of recommendation
--Auditions were heard by the entire administrative hierarchy of the church, including the Maestro di Cappella (chapel-master), as well as by musicians specifically invited to advise the authorities
An Actual Example
Piero (or Pietro) Berti was a relatively minor figure in Venetian musical circles. His position as second organist in San Marco put him at the top of his field—San Marco, the most important church in Venice, employed two organists for its services, and the most famous organ virtuosos of the late 16th and 17th centuries occupied those positions.
Musicians at San Marco were hired through a rigorous selection process:
--Candidates were invited to audition, based on reputation and on letters of recommendation
--Auditions were heard by the entire administrative hierarchy of the church, including the Maestro di Cappella (chapel-master), as well as by musicians specifically invited to advise the authorities
--Candidates were evaluated on improvisation, virtuosity in performing set pieces, and their ability to accompany the choir
An Actual Example
Having successfully passed such rigorous scrutiny, Piero Berti proved himself a highly skilled organist and musician.
An Actual Example
Having successfully passed such rigorous scrutiny, Piero Berti proved himself a highly skilled organist and musician.
Despite his qualifications, however, he never rose beyond his position as an instrumentalist. He did not compose much music, and what he did compose was not particularly important or sought after.
An Actual Example
Having successfully passed such rigorous scrutiny, Piero Berti proved himself a highly skilled organist and musician.
Despite his qualifications, however, he never rose beyond his position as an instrumentalist. He did not compose much music, and what he did compose was not particularly important or sought after.
As a result, he is not a figure of historical relevance. By focusing on him here I make no claim to change our impression of his importance.
An Actual Example
Having successfully passed such rigorous scrutiny, Piero Berti proved himself a highly skilled organist and musician.
Despite his qualifications, however, he never rose beyond his position as an instrumentalist. He did not compose much music, and what he did compose was not particularly important or sought after.
As a result, he is not a figure of historical relevance. By focusing on him here I make no claim to change our impression of his importance.
I do however highlight his presence, and for a time even prominence, in the Venetian musical and social community in order to clarify and enrich our understanding of that community.
An Actual Example
Having successfully passed such rigorous scrutiny, Piero Berti proved himself a highly skilled organist and musician.
Despite his qualifications, however, he never rose beyond his position as an instrumentalist. He did not compose much music, and what he did compose was not particularly important or sought after.
As a result, he is not a figure of historical relevance. By focusing on him here I make no claim to change our impression of his importance.
I do however highlight his presence, and for a time even prominence, in the Venetian musical and social community in order to clarify and enrich our understanding of that community.
For this example, I pick up his story with the birth of his five children and the spiritual relationships he contracted in conjunction with their baptisms.
An Actual Example
Between 1622 and 1632, Piero and his wife Franceschina had five children: three sons and twin daughters. All were born and baptized in the parish of San Zulian (San Giuliano), which is close to San Marco.
Venetian Parishes (18th century)
An Actual Example
Berti’s choices of godfathers for his children are suggestive of his artistic trajectory:
An Actual Example
Berti’s choices of godfathers for his children are suggestive of his artistic trajectory:
1) In 1622, he was not yet employed at San Marco, and his first son was held at the baptismal font by a cittadino, the lawyer (avvocato) Pietro Antonio Campana.
An Actual Example
Berti’s choices of godfathers for his children are suggestive of his artistic trajectory:
1) In 1622, he was not yet employed at San Marco, and his first son was held at the baptismal font by a cittadino, the lawyer (avvocato) Pietro Antonio Campana.
2) By 1623, after his employment at San Marco, his second and third sons’ godfathers, as well as one of his daughters’, were noblemen.
Of the godfather he chose for his other twin daughter, we know only that he was not a nobleman, but probably a cittadino.
An Actual Example
Berti’s choices of godfathers for his children are suggestive of his artistic trajectory:
1) In 1622, he was not yet employed at San Marco, and his first son was held at the baptismal font by a cittadino, the lawyer (avvocato) Pietro Antonio Campana.
2) By 1623, after his employment at San Marco, his second and third sons’ godfathers, as well as one of his daughters’, were noblemen.
3) Of the godfather he chose for his other twin daughter, we know only that he was not a nobleman, but probably a cittadino.
An Actual Example
We know the status of the godparents chosen by Berti on the basis of their forms of address and the way their names are recorded:
1) Il Mag[nifi]co Pietro Antonio Campana:
His full name (first and last) is given, which signifies that he was a member of the cittadino class (for artisans only their first name and profession appear in documents);
An Actual Example
We know the status of the godparents chosen by Berti on the basis of their forms of address and the way their names are recorded:
1) Il Mag[nifi]co Pietro Antonio Campana:
His full name (first and last) is given, which signifies that he was a member of the cittadino class (for artisans only their first name and profession appear in documents);
“Magnifico” (magnificent): this signifies that he was a prominent member of his profession (we know from other documents that he was a lawyer) and specifically that he held high office in his professional guild.
An Actual Example
We know the status of the godparents chosen by Berti on the basis of their forms of address and the way their names are recorded:
2) S[igno]r Giovanni Pietro Zaccaria q[uondam] Carlo:
Another member of the cittadino class, for whom professions were rarely given, although it is clear that it did not involve manual labor (strictly forbidden to cittadini, who lost their status if they engaged in it).
The presence of the patronymic was standard practice in Venetian documents for all classes, even artisans, as a way of distinguishing among many apparently identical names.
“Quondam” (Latin, “late”) indicates that Pietro Zaccaria’s father was deaceased.
An Actual Example
We know the status of the godparents chosen by Berti on the basis of their forms of address and the way their names are recorded:
3) Ill[ustrissi]mo Sig.Girolamo Mocenigo di Sr. Andrea
Ill[ustrissi]mo Sig.Benedetto Contarini del Sr. Santo
Ill[ustrissi]mo Sig.r Zuan (Giovanni) Battista Bernardo q. Sr. Francesco
The epithet “Illustrissimo” (most illustrious) identifies all three as members of the nobility.
An Actual Example
We know the status of the godparents chosen by Berti on the basis of their forms of address and the way their names are recorded:
2) Ill[ustrissi]mo Sig.Girolamo Mocenigo di Sr. Andrea
Ill[ustrissi]mo Sig.Benedetto Contarini del Sr. Santo
Ill[ustrissi]mo Sig.r Zuan (Giovanni) Battista Bernardo q. Sr. Francesco
The epithet “Illustrissimo” (most illustrious) identifies all three as members of the nobility.
Their patronymic (del S[igno]r …) was particularly useful for the nobility, as it helped to identify the branch of the family to which each belonged.
Noble families were split into many branches and often reused first names generation after generation in a stunningly unimaginative and confusing way.
An Actual Example
On the basis of the documents pertaining to his children’s baptisms, we can therefore establish a circle of men who were closely tied to Berti, and who constituted an important network of support outside his consanguineal family.
An Actual Example
For two of Berti’s spiritual kin we can fill out our picture with more information, some of it from the archival documents, and some from secondary sources.
An Actual Example
For two of Berti’s spiritual kin we can fill out our picture with more information, some of it from the archival documents, and some from secondary sources.
Girolamo Mocenigo was a major patron of the arts in Venice, and was associated with Claudio Monteverdi (1567-1643), the Maestro di Cappella at San Marco (1613-1643), who provided music for his home entertainments and family events and was Piero Berti’s superior at San Marco.
An Actual Example
For two of Berti’s spiritual kin we can fill out our picture with more information, some of it from the archival documents, and some from secondary sources.
Girolamo Mocenigo was a major patron of the arts in Venice, and was associated with Claudio Monteverdi (1567-1643), the Maestro di Cappella at San Marco (1613-1643), who provided music for his home entertainments and family events and was Piero Berti’s superior at San Marco.
Mocenigo lived in a palace on the Riva degli Schiavoni in the parish of San Giovanni Novo, contiguous with that of San Marco. His palace is still standing and is now the Hotel Danieli.
Venetian Parishes
An Actual Example
For two of Berti’s spiritual kin we can fill out our picture with more information, some of it from the archival documents, and some from secondary sources.
Girolamo Mocenigo was a major patron of the arts in Venice, and was associated with Claudio Monteverdi (1567-1643), the Maestro di Cappella at San Marco (1613-1643), who provided music for his home entertainments and family events and was Piero Berti’s superior at San Marco.
Mocenigo lived in a palace on the Riva degli Schiavoni in the parish of San Giovanni Novo, contiguous with that of San Marco. His palace is still standing and is now the Hotel Danieli.
At least one composer (Domenico Obizzi) dedicated published music to him.
It is significant that Berti and Monteverdi shared close—indeed familial, in Berti’s case—clientage to such an important patron.
An Actual Example
Berti’s employment as organist at San Marco brought him into close connection with the singers and instrumentalists who worked under Monteverdi. Indeed, he had sung in the choir before taking the organist position.
An Actual Example
Berti’s employment as organist at San Marco brought him into close connection with the singers and instrumentalists who worked under Monteverdi. Indeed, he had sung in the choir before taking the organist position.
Another Berti, Zuan Battista “musico” (a musician whose instrument remains unspecified in the records) appears in the parish records of the Parish of San Giovanni Novo (where Mocenigo had his palace) in 1623 as the godfather to the daughter of another, much more prominent, member of the San Marco ensemble: the singer and composer Alessandro Grandi, with whom Piero Berti would have been at least acquainted personally.
An Actual Example
Berti’s employment as organist at San Marco brought him into close connection with the singers and instrumentalists who worked under Monteverdi. Indeed, he had sung in the choir before taking the organist position.
Another Berti, Zuan Battista “musico” (a musician whose instrument remains unspecified in the records) appears in the parish records of the Parish of San Giovanni Novo (where Mocenigo had his palace) in 1623 as the godfather to the daughter of another, much more prominent, member of the San Marco ensemble: the singer and composer Alessandro Grandi, with whom Piero Berti would have been at least acquainted personally.
What relationship Zuan Battista Berti and Piero might have had (blood relations?) is unclear, but the proximity of their parishes and their shared association with important members of the San Marco musical community strongly suggests that they were related in some way.
An Actual Example
The second member of Berti’s closest circle to have musical connections is the lawyer Alessandro Campana.
Although at this point I have not found other documents pertaining to him prior to 1622, when he stood as Berti’s first son’s godfather, in 1632 he married for the third time (both previous wives having died).
His wife was herself the widow of the musician Antonio Vachelli “sonador”, a musician who was specifically an instrumentalist, as opposed to a “cantor” or singer, but whose instrument remained unspecified.
An Actual Example
Although the implications of the Campana-Vachelli marriage remain to be explored, perhaps through other, as yet undiscovered church documents, we have a number of possible leads:
An Actual Example
Although the implications of the Campana-Vachelli marriage remain to be explored, perhaps through other, as yet undiscovered church documents, we have a number of possible leads:
We know who the witnesses at his third wedding were, and their connections might be revealing of further musical connections; and
An Actual Example
Although the implications of the Campana-Vachelli marriage remain to be explored, perhaps through other, as yet undiscovered church documents, we have a number of possible leads:
We know who the witnesses at his third wedding were, and their connections might be revealing of further musical connections; and
The marriage record for Antonio Vachelli might also lead to other musicians or music patrons.
An Actual Example
Although the implications of the Campana-Vachelli marriage remain to be explored, perhaps through other, as yet undiscovered church documents, we have a number of possible leads:
We know who the witnesses at his third wedding were, and their connections might be revealing of further musical connections; and
The marriage record for Antonio Vachelli might also lead to other musicians or music patrons.
*****
And even if no other musicians or music patrons appear in the record, the network of acquaintances, family connections, and patron-client relationships furthers our understanding of the fabric Venetian society.